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Foreign Policy of India (2014–Present)

Foreign policy can be understood as an extension of a country’s domestic policies, crafted to safeguard, and advance its national interests on the global stage. Indian foreign policy has always been guided by several moral principles that reflect its commitment to global harmony and ethical conduct.

Indian Foreign Policy (2014–Present)

Since Narendra Modi assumed office as Prime Minister of India in May 2014, the country has experienced a significant transformation in its foreign policy approach. Under Modi’s leadership, India has transitioned from one of the ‘fragile five’ to the world's fifth-largest economy, with aspirations to reach the third spot. This economic growth has enhanced India’s ability to assert itself more robustly in global affairs. Initially viewed as having limited international experience, India’s global standing has significantly strengthened over the past decade. Modi’s tenure has coincided with unprecedented global challenges, including the COVID-19 pandemic, the Russia-Ukraine conflict, and rising tensions in the Middle East and the South China Sea. India’s foreign policy since 2014 has evolved to address these complex dynamics with strategic foresight. Some of the key aspects and milestones achieved during this period include:

Neighbourhood First policy which has deepened India’s ties with neighbouring countries, focusing on strengthening relations with South Asian nations and the Indian Ocean region.

Act East policy which has enhanced India’s relations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and other key players in the Indo-Pacific region, emphasising India’s commitment to regional stability and growth.

Improvement in strategic relations India has successfully balanced its relationships with major powers, such as the United States (US) and China, maintaining strategic autonomy while forging pragmatic partnerships. This balance is evident in India's nuanced stance on the Russia-Ukraine conflict and its growing influence in multilateral forums like the G20.

Involvement in international politics In recent years, India started to play a major role in the issues related to global governance and international politics. This is evident by its active participation in forums like BRICS and G20. Hosting the G20 conference in 2023 is seen as a significant accomplishment in this direction.

Defence and security During this period, India has focused towards strengthening its defence capabilities and enhancing security cooperation by entering into various agreements on defence, carrying out combined military drills, and participating in strategic discussions with other nations.

Economic diplomacy A key component of the approach adopted by this policy includes the changes made in the economic diplomacy, which aims to boost Indian companies overseas, encourage trade, and draw in foreign investment. Major initiatives like Made in India and Digital India have been taken and promoted on a global scale.

Cultural diplomacy Indian heritage and culture has also received a major boost and is promoted on an international level. Global celebration of the International Day of Yoga and the opening of the BAPS Hindu Mandir in Abu Dhabi, UAE, are some of the major achievements made in this direction.

Overall, India’s foreign policy, from 2014 till present, has been marked by its adaptability to a rapidly changing global landscape, reflecting India’s evolving role as a significant player in international affairs. The successes and challenges of this period underscore India’s strategic ascent on the global stage.

Guiding Principles and Factors

India’s foreign policy is underpinned by several key principles and features that guide its international relations:

Panchsheel Formulated in 1954, the Panchsheel Agreement outlines five core principles for international conduct: mutual respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty, mutual non-aggression, mutual non-interference, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful co-existence. These principles have served as a foundational framework for India’s diplomatic engagements globally.

Vasudhaiva kutumbakam Emphasising the notion that ‘The World is One Family’, this principle aligns with the idea of Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwas—promoting a vision of global harmony, mutual growth, and trust among nations.

Non-export of ideologies India supports democracy but does not believe in imposing ideological changes or regime changes through external means. It assists democratic capacity building requested, as seen in its support to Afghanistan and while opposing interventions in Iraq, Libya, and Syria.

Rejection of unilateral sanctions and military actions India opposes unilateral sanctions and military actions unless they are sanctioned by the United Nations (UN) through international consensus. India contributes significantly to UN peacekeeping operations, having deployed nearly 1,95,000 troops in various missions.

Interference versus intervention India distinguishes between interference and intervention. While it avoids interfering in internal affairs, it intervenes if actions taken by other states threaten its national interests, as demonstrated in Bangladesh (1971), Sri Lanka (1987–90), and the Maldives (1988).

Constructive engagement India advocates for constructive engagement rather than aggression. This approach seeks to resolve conflicts through dialogue and negotiation rather than violent confrontation. For instance, surgical strikes and air strikes were employed as measured responses to terrorism.

Strategic autonomy: partnership vs alliances India values strategic autonomy, preferring partnerships over formal military alliances. This approach allows India to maintain independent decision-making while fostering collaborations that serve its interests.

SAGAR vision Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR) represents India’s strategic approach to marine cooperation in the Indian Ocean region. The vision aims to enhance economic and security cooperation with maritime neighbours, build maritime security capabilities, and promote inclusivity and collaboration across the region.

Global consensus India promotes global debate and consensus on major issues such as climate change, terrorism, and global governance. It aims to address these challenges through collective international action.

India’s foreign policy is shaped by several key factors. Its immediate neighbourhood significantly impacts its policy due to geographic proximity, historical ties, and regional security dynamics. Effective management of neighbouring relationships influences broader international interactions. This includes addressing security concerns with Pakistan related to terrorism and territorial disputes, managing economic and trade relations with countries like Bangladesh and Nepal—highlighted by agreements such as the India-Bangladesh Land Boundary Agreement—and maintaining regional influence through initiatives like the ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy, which strengthens ties with Bhutan, Sri Lanka, and the Maldives while countering China’s presence. Strategic partnerships, such as maritime security collaborations with Sri Lanka, reflect India’s efforts to address regional challenges.

India’s historical experiences, including colonialism and its non-aggressive philosophy, along with cultural traditions like Atithi Devo Bhavah (the guest is God), play a crucial role in shaping its foreign policy. Historically focused on non-alignment during the Cold War, India now operates as a major global player, adapting its policy to contemporary geopolitical realities.

India’s foreign policy addresses a range of issues including globalisation, nuclear proliferation, terrorism, and environmental concerns, balancing national interests with global responsibilities. The policy is shaped by multiple actors rather than a single institution or individual. While the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), the prime minister’s office (PMO), and the prime minister play significant roles, foreign policy development reflects a consensus among various political leaders and institutions, incorporating input from both the ruling party and opposition.

Foreign Relations with Key Powers

United States (US) India’s foreign policy with the US is marked by a strengthening of defence and security cooperation, strategic alignment, and growing economic engagement. The bilateral relationship was solidified with India’s designation as a Major Defence Partner in 2016 and the Strategic Trade Authorisation tier 1 status in 2018, enhancing access to advanced military technologies without licences and improving interoperability through joint exercises. India’s alignment with the US interests is evident in its commitment to a “free, open, and inclusive” Indo-Pacific, exemplified by the revitalisation of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QSD), commonly known as QUAD, involving India, the US, Japan, and Australia. Economically, the partnership has flourished, with the US emerging as one of India’s largest trading partners, despite trade imbalances and tariff disputes. The ongoing pursuit of a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) and significant defence sales further underscore the strong and multifaceted nature of this relationship.

Persisting challenges Disparities in expectations can strain relations, as evidenced by controversies, such as the allegations involving Gurpatwant Singh Pannun, which highlight the necessity for ongoing and effective communication to align interests. Visa issues, particularly concerning H1-B visas, remain a significant point of contention, with India pressing for increased quotas for its professionals, thus presenting a potential friction point in negotiations. Additionally, while India’s political landscape has seen stability under Modi’s consecutive terms, the US has experienced shifts with three different administrations—Obama, Trump, and Biden—posing challenges in maintaining consistent policies. Despite these fluctuations, bipartisan support for India in the US Congress has provided some stability, which India hopes will continue with future administrations to sustain and enhance bilateral relations.

China Initially, around 2014, India sought to leverage economic cooperation to soften China’s stance on border issues, however, the 2020 Galwan clash and a global shift towards supply-chain resilience prompted a strategic pivot. India prioritised self-reliance through the Aatmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan, leading to a rejection of Chinese investments, tighter regulations, and a focus on local production to reduce dependency. In response to China’s aggressive postures, such as the 2017 Doklam standoff and the Galwan clash in 2020, India has strengthened strategic partnerships with like-minded nations, revitalising the QUAD with the US, Japan, and Australia, and enhancing bilateral relations with these countries. Additionally, India has broadened its outreach to regional stakeholders, including ASEAN and Pacific Island nations, to reinforce its role in the Indo-Pacific. India has also prioritised improving border infrastructure and fortifying strategic locations, addressing previous neglect with high-profile projects aimed at enhancing connectivity, defence preparedness, and socio-economic development in remote areas, thus strengthening India’s strategic position against China’s growing influence.

Persisting challenges One major issue is India’s continued economic dependence on China, especially in critical sectors like clean energy and electronics. Despite India’s attempts to bolster domestic manufacturing, China remains a significant trading partner, with imports hitting record levels. Additionally, China’s expanding influence in South Asia through investments and diplomatic initiatives challenges India’s regional dominance, straining relations with neighbouring countries and enhancing Chinese ties with South Asian states. Furthermore, India faces complex relations with the Five Eyes countries—an intelligence alliance comprising the US, the UK, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand—over issues related to intelligence operations and democratic values. These tensions complicate India’s global positioning and allow China to exploit these divisions, portraying India as isolated and struggling to balance its relationships with major powers.

Russia India’s policy is characterised by a multifaceted strategic partnership that spans strategic, economic, and military dimensions. Established as strategic partners in 2010, India and Russia aimed to enhance bilateral trade, initially targeting US$ 20 billion by 2015. Although trade faced stagnation for several years, by 2022, India emerged as a significant buyer of Russian energy, with Indian refineries playing a critical role in processing Russian oil for global markets, despite international sanctions on Russia. Military cooperation remains a cornerstone of the relationship, highlighted by key achievements such as the acquisition of the S-400 missile defence system, which secured a CAATSA (Countering American Adversaries through Sanctions Act) waiver from the US, and ongoing deals for various military equipment including AK-203 rifles, Igla missiles, Ka-226 helicopters, and stealth frigates. India is also in talks for leasing another nuclear-powered submarine, though the proportion of Russian equipment in the Indian armed forces is decreasing due to diversification and domestic production initiatives. In nuclear energy, the partnership continues to be strong, exemplified by the 2023 agreement to construct four additional 1,000-MW reactors at the Kudankulam plant. India has increasingly engaged with Russia’s Far East, with a US$ 1 billion credit line announced in 2019 to develop the region and efforts to revive the Chennai-Vladivostok economic corridor. Additionally, India is negotiating a free trade agreement with the Eurasian Economic Union. On the support front, Russia has endorsed India’s positions on various international issues, including India’s stance on Article 370 and its membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), and has supported India in the UN Security Council reforms. In return, India has avoided condemning Russia’s actions in Crimea and Ukraine, maintaining a careful balance in its foreign policy.

Persisting challenges The deepening of Sino-Russian ties, particularly amid Western isolation, complicates India’s strategic positioning. As Russia strengthens its relationship with China, India must navigate its engagement with Russia cautiously to avoid inadvertently aligning with China’s strategic interests. Furthermore, Western sanctions have created obstacles in trade and payment processes between India and Russia. Despite a surge in energy trade since 2022, the long-term sustainability of this economic engagement remains uncertain, necessitating exploration of alternative economic avenues. Additionally, the decline in India’s defence imports from Russia—from 62 per cent in 2017 to 45 per cent in 2022—reflects India’s broader strategy of diversifying defence sources and promoting domestic production. This shift requires India to identify new defence suppliers while managing potential disruptions in the supply chain.

European Union (EU) India’s policy has transitioned from a primarily economic focus to a comprehensive strategic partnership, driven by mutual concerns over China’s rising influence. Both India and Europe share apprehensions about Beijing’s geopolitical manoeuvres and disruptions, as evidenced by India’s border clashes with China and Europe’s challenges during the COVID-19 pandemic. In response, they have established key institutional dialogues, including the EU-India Connectivity Partnership, the EU-India Trade and Technology Council, and the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor. These initiatives are designed to enhance cooperation across maritime security, defence, artificial intelligence, climate change, and emerging technologies, aligning with a values-based partnership approach. Additionally, India has broadened its diplomatic outreach to include not only major European capitals like Paris, Berlin, and London but also smaller and regional European countries. Engagement with Nordic nations (Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, and Iceland), the Visegrad 4 Grouping (Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary), and the Slavkov Group (Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Austria) reflects India’s strategy to leverage these countries' unique strengths, such as Nordic innovation, to advance its developmental and technological objectives. The EU-India relationship has been largely stable despite the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war since February 2022. Despite the existential threat to trade and ties with Russia, both the EU and India have engaged in regular interactions and shown a willingness to understand each other’s strategic outlooks, preventing the war from hijacking bilateral progress and cooperation.

Persisting challenges One major issue is the EU’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), which is part of the European Green Deal. This mechanism imposes carbon-based tariffs on imports to promote greener technologies, but India has criticised it as being potentially disadvantageous for its exports, particularly in industries like steel and aluminum. Additionally, the EU-India Free Trade Agreement (FTA), which resumed negotiations in 2022 after a nine-year break, has encountered obstacles related to labour and environmental standards, and contentious sectors such as automobiles and agriculture. While recent trade agreements with other partners like Australia and the UAE have improved the FTA’s prospects, these hurdles persist. Furthermore, normative, and strategic divergences complicate relations. India’s advocacy for reforming multilateral institutions contrasts with Europe’s traditional approaches, leading to differences on global issues like the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Europe views Russia as a significant threat, whereas India’s primary focus is on China, with the China-Russia partnership further complicating the strategic landscape. These challenges underscore the complexities of advancing EU-India relations amidst differing priorities and strategic concerns.

Japan India’s policy is marked by a robust alignment on a rules-based, free, and open Indo-Pacific, reflecting their shared vision for regional stability and opposition to unilateral actions. This partnership is underscored by the close personal rapport between Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and former Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, continuing through engagements with subsequent Japanese leaders. The relationship has broadened significantly, with key developments including the 2+2 dialogue and the 2020 Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA) enhancing defence cooperation, and approximately 1,400 Japanese companies investing nearly US$ 40 billion in India. Japan also stands as India’s largest bilateral donor, supporting crucial infrastructure, power, and environmental projects. Additionally, collaborative initiatives such as the India-Japan Digital Partnership, joint ventures in space, and clean energy projects highlight the multifaceted nature of their ties. Despite differences on global issues like the Russia-Ukraine conflict and the Israel-Gaza situation, their strong bilateral relations persist. Modi’s participation in the 2023 G7 and QUAD meetings in Japan further emphasised their role in global discussions and regional security, while their cooperation extends to third countries like Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Myanmar, reinforcing their strategic alignment. Further, there is a growing Indian community in Japan, with Nishikasai emerging as a hub for Indian expatriates.

Persisting challenges Economic gaps are a significant issue, as persistent trade imbalances and market access problems hinder the economic relationship despite the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA). This agreement has not yet substantially increased India’s exports to Japan, necessitating policy reviews and the easing of regulatory barriers to enhance trade and investment. Additionally, both countries share concerns about Beijing’s assertive foreign policy and military expansion, requiring strategic coordination to counterbalance China’s influence and address regional risks. Effective mechanisms must be strengthened to manage the economic and diplomatic challenges posed by China. Furthermore, bureaucratic hurdles, including delays and administrative bottlenecks, have impeded the implementation of bilateral agreements. Streamlining decision-making processes and resolving regulatory complexities are essential to accelerate progress and deepen India-Japan cooperation.

India’s Policy in Prominent Regions

South Asia India’s foreign policy towards South Asia has evolved significantly, transitioning from a primary focus on Pakistan to a broader emphasis on regional stability and connectivity. The ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy embodies this shift, aiming to bolster regional integration while addressing emerging security concerns and opportunities. Initially, after 2014, India sought constructive engagement with Pakistan, but relations soured due to events like the Uri and Pathankot attacks and the abrogation of Article 370. This deterioration prompted India to pivot towards regional collaborations such as BIMSTEC, focusing on integration without Pakistan’s constraints. Concurrently, India has strengthened its regional influence by engaging with extra-regional powers like the US, as seen in projects like the US-Nepal Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) compact and American support for Sri Lanka’s West Container Terminal. India’s regional strategy also emphasises connectivity, with significant agreements such as the 2024 MoU with Nepal for electricity export and a power trade deal with Bangladesh, reinforcing its role as a key regional hub and enhancing infrastructure and trade links across South Asia.

Persisting challenges The partisan foreign policy in the region is fuelled by domestic politics, nationalism, and China’s increasing footprint. The challenge has been exacerbated by parties such as the Bangladesh National Party, Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist-Leninist), Progressive Alliance of the Maldives, and Sinhala parties in Sri Lanka. These parties criticise India-friendly regimes domestically and politicise Indian projects and initiatives to promote nationalist sentiments and appease their voter base. Geopolitically, they use China to express their anti-India stance and potentially reduce or reverse their engagements with India. The latest instance is being of Maldives under the presidentship of Mohamed Muizzu.

Recently in August 2024, Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina resigned amid nationwide anti-government protests and fled the country on a military helicopter. Indian National Security Advisor Ajit Doval greeted her at the Hindon air force base in New Delhi. If the Indian government decides to grant her asylum, it may run the risk of potentially alienating an interim Bangladeshi government, which is headed by Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus.

Similarly, in July 2022, Sri Lanka’s President Gotabaya Rajapaksa resigned and left the country amid massive protests triggered by an economic meltdown. However, the island nation underwent a swift political transition, with former Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe being appointed as the new president by the political class. Amidst these massive protests in neighbouring countries and other regional challenges, India will require significant political and diplomatic expertise to navigate the geopolitics of the subcontinent.

The increasing involvement of extra-regional powers such as Russia, the US, and China further complicates India’s strategic positioning by diversifying regional trade and development partnerships and reducing the region’s reliance on India. The changing dynamics in the region are reflected in Russia’s outreach to Pakistan, the US outreach to Bangladesh and Sri Lanka despite concerns of democratic backsliding, and the Maldives’ increasing relations with China, Turkey, and the US. Additionally, South Asia’s severe climate challenges—ranging from floods and droughts to water scarcity—affect regional stability and security. India’s infrastructure and connectivity projects are frequently scrutinised for their environmental impact, necessitating a proactive role in regional climate action and renewable energy trade to mitigate these challenges and reinforce India’s leadership in addressing environmental issues. Despite not being a party to the 1951 Refugee Convention or its 1967 Protocol, India has emerged as one of the world’s largest recipients of refugees. This significant role presents the challenge of balancing human rights protection with national interests. The ongoing Rohingya crisis underscores the need for India to actively engage in finding long-term solutions for refugee issues. How India addresses these challenges will critically influence its regional and global reputation on human rights.

India and the Indo-Pacific Over the past decade, India’s foreign policy has increasingly centred on the Indo-Pacific region, reflecting a strategic pivot articulated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the Shangri-La Dialogue in 2018. Modi’s framework emphasises the Indo-Pacific as a natural, free, open, and inclusive space for progress and prosperity. Key to this approach is the elevation of the ‘Look-East’ policy to ‘Act-East,’ highlighting ASEAN’s central role in India’s strategy and reinforcing cultural and civilisational ties with Southeast Asia. India is expanding its geographic footprint from the Indian Ocean to the Pacific, enhancing maritime security efforts in the South China Sea and forging deeper connections with Pacific Island states and key partners such as Australia, South Korea, Indonesia, Vietnam, and Japan. This broader engagement is complemented by the creation of the Forum for India-Pacific Islands Cooperation. Despite this increased involvement, India maintains its strategic autonomy, steering clear of full-fledged military alliances and focusing on strategic partnerships that align with common interests, thereby resisting the formation of exclusive or hegemonic blocs.

Persisting challenges One major issue is the lack of a multilateral approach; India’s engagement with regional institutions like the Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative (IPOI) and the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) remains underdeveloped, limiting its ability to promote multi-alignment and regionalism effectively. Additionally, India’s defence diplomacy in the Indo-Pacific is still maturing. While there have been advancements, such as the delivery of BrahMos missiles to the Philippines, India needs to bolster maritime security through more joint military exercises and expanded defence cooperation. The recent deployment of defence attaches in strategic locations is a positive move, but further expansion is necessary. Lastly, securing its extensive maritime neighbourhood presents a challenge. India must actively engage with both resident and non-resident states that share democratic values and interests to strengthen partnerships and safeguard maritime and economic interests effectively.

Middle East Marked by strengthened economic, political, and security ties since 2014, India has actively enhanced its diplomatic engagement with key Middle Eastern nations, including the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Oman, Qatar, Israel, Iran, Jordan, and Palestine. These high-level visits and personal diplomacy have been central to India’s strategic realignment in the region. Economic cooperation has been a cornerstone, with substantial investments from Gulf states in India's economy and collaborative initiatives like the India-Israel-US-UAE (I2U2) minilateral and the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC). These partnerships aim to stimulate economic growth and address global governance challenges. Security ties have also been strengthened, particularly through military and defence cooperation with Israel, a leading supplier of defence technology to India. Additionally, India’s strategic alliance with Iran, exemplified by projects like the Chabahar Port, enhances its access to Afghanistan and Central Asia, supporting broader regional and economic objectives.

Persisting challenges Geopolitical instability, exemplified by the ongoing Israel-Hamas conflict, has disrupted key initiatives such as I2U2 and IMEC, necessitating intensive diplomatic efforts and strategic maneuvering to revive these projects. Additionally, the shadow war between Iran and Israel has injected uncertainty into regional stability, complicating India’s strategic interests, particularly with recent naval skirmishes in the Red Sea highlighting broader implications. Furthermore, India’s global positioning is increasingly intricate due to its balancing act between major powers like the US and China. Navigating this multipolar environment while sustaining robust relations with Iran and addressing regional challenges will be crucial for India's successful engagement in the Middle East.

Africa India’s engagement with Africa has markedly intensified over the past decade, driven by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s unprecedented commitment to fortifying historical ties. This commitment is reflected in numerous high-level visits, the opening of 18 new diplomatic missions, and the implementation of a comprehensive Africa-focused policy. In 2018, Modi introduced India’s first formal “Africa Policy,” emphasising “Africa for Africans” as the cornerstone of India’s future relations with the continent and aimed at supporting the continent’s development while enhancing bilateral relations. The pinnacle of this engagement was achieved in September 2023 when, under India’s G20 presidency, the African Union (AU) was granted permanent membership, highlighting India’s endorsement of Africa’s increasing role in global governance. India-Africa trade has grown significantly in the last decade, reaching nearly US$ 100 billion, a 9.26 per cent growth in the financial year 2022–23. India’s exports have risen significantly since 2018, surpassing all previous figures in 2021–22. This is attributed to increased business awareness and financial support schemes provided by the Indian government for export promotion, particularly towards Africa. India has enhanced its knowledge diplomacy with Africa by establishing IIT Madras in Zanzibar and a National Forensic Sciences University campus in Uganda. The country has also launched a pan-African e-Network Project to make telemedicine and tele education more accessible to Africans. In October 2019, India launched e-Aarogya Bharati, a web-based platform aimed at expanding medical education, benefiting 15,000 African students so far.

India-Africa security cooperation has also significantly increased, with India providing regular trainings to military personnel in African countries and increasing marine cooperation. The first field exercise for African countries, dubbed “AFINDEX,” was held in Pune in 2019. The first India-Africa Defence Ministers’ Conference (IADMC) was held in Lucknow in February 2020, institutionalising India’s defence cooperation with Africa. India has also prioritised the manufacture of defence equipment. Mauritius, Mozambique, and Seychelles emerged as the top three importers of Indian weapons between 2017 and 2021.

Persisting challenges India’s foreign policy with Africa faces several significant challenges. First, India's engagement has largely been bilateral, lacking a cohesive ‘Whole-of-Africa’ approach necessary to address continent-wide issues, particularly as Africa moves towards the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). This requires a more integrated strategy to engage with Africa’s diverse regions and economies. Second, Africa’s vast diversity—marked by different stages of development and cultural contexts—complicates the formulation of a unified strategy, making it difficult for India to effectively address the continent’s varied needs. Lastly, the absence of a recent India-Africa Forum Summit, the last of which was held in 2015, underscores the necessity for renewed high-level dialogue. The next summit could build on past achievements and adapt to the changing geopolitical and economic landscape, facilitating a more comprehensive and coordinated approach.

Central Asia India’s foreign policy towards Central Asia has advanced significantly since establishing diplomatic relations with the region's five republics—Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan—in 1991. The launch of the ‘Connect Central Asia’ policy in 2012 marked a strategic pivot to deepen engagement with Central Asia, emphasising its growing importance in terms of strategic, economic, and cultural dimensions. Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, this policy has been bolstered by key initiatives aimed at improving connectivity and cooperation. The Chabahar Port project and the Eastern Corridor of the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) are central to India’s strategy, linking Mumbai to Central Asia and supporting India's bid to counterbalance China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) while upholding territorial integrity and sovereignty. India’s counterterrorism efforts have also been crucial, aligning with Central Asia’s concerns over state-sponsored terrorism. By fostering regional cooperation, intelligence sharing, and capacity building, India has strengthened its ties with Central Asian leaders, who have notably preferred Indian-led dialogues over other platforms. Furthermore, India’s approach to Afghanistan—promoting an “Afghan-led, Afghan-owned, and Afghan-controlled” peace process—has been positively received by Central Asian countries. This stance, combined with India’s support in infrastructure, education, and healthcare, has enhanced regional stability and solidified collaborative efforts through a joint working group on Afghanistan.

Persisting challenges China’s growing influence in the region, driven by its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), has significantly boosted trade between China and Central Asia from US$ 24.7 billion in 2015 to US$ 70 billion in 2022. Beijing’s extensive investments in infrastructure and defence sales further complicate India’s strategic objectives. Additionally, the rising threat of terrorism, intensified by the Taliban’s control of Afghanistan and the activities of groups like the Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP), exacerbates regional instability and poses security concerns for both Central Asia and India. Despite ongoing efforts to enhance connectivity, trade and investments between India and Central Asia remain relatively modest. India’s potential in sectors such as IT, healthcare, and education presents opportunities to counterbalance Chinese dominance and strengthen its economic and strategic foothold in the region.

Latin America India has significantly revitalised its foreign policy towards Latin America, characterised by a marked increase in political engagement and substantial growth in trade relations. Traditionally, India’s ties with the region were predominantly economic, but this has shifted under the Modi administration. Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar’s intensive diplomatic efforts, including high-profile visits to Paraguay, Colombia, Panama, and the Dominican Republic, have underscored a new era of active political engagement. This is complemented by reciprocal ministerial visits from Latin American countries, strengthening bilateral ties. Trade between India and Latin America, which faced a decline between 2014 and 2020, saw a robust rebound post-pandemic, reaching a record US$ 50.61 billion by 2022, fuelled by increased trade with Brazil, the reordering of global edible oil trade due to Russia-Ukraine war, and an uptick in commodity prices, despite reduced oil imports from Venezuela due to US sanctions. The enhanced connectivity is facilitated through global platforms like the Voice of Global South Summit and the G20, with India’s direct involvement in managing relations with key Latin American members such as Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico, highlighting a deeper commitment and realignment of economic relations.

Persisting challenges Outdated perceptions persist on both sides, with Indians often viewing Latin America through outdated stereotypes related to political instability and cultural cliches, while Latin Americans harbour misconceptions about India’s economic status and historical context. Bridging these perceptual gaps is essential for developing a more informed and nuanced relationship. Commercial obstacles also hinder economic engagement; the absence of comprehensive free trade agreements (FTAs) limits the scope of trade, with existing agreements like those with Chile and Mercosur being somewhat restricted. Although the potential India-Peru FTA could provide new opportunities, logistical issues such as lengthy shipping routes and limited financing options remain barriers to trade expansion. Furthermore, the political momentum behind India’s recent engagement with Latin America is uncertain. Despite India’s rising global prominence, there is concern that domestic political priorities may overshadow sustained focus on Latin America. The future of India-Latin America relations will hinge on India’s ability to maintain and build upon the current political engagement.

India’s Foreign Policy in Global Orders

The UN and WTO India has robustly supported multilateralism through its engagement with the United Nations (UN) and the World Trade Organization (WTO), demonstrating a commitment to a more inclusive global governance framework. Over the past decade, India’s foreign policy has prominently featured three key trends: defending multilateralism, advocating for the Global South, and deep institutional engagement. As a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council (UNSC) for 2021–22, India promoted a “New Orientation for a Reformed Multilateral System” (NORM) to enhance the representativeness of global governance. India also hosted the virtual Global South Summit in January 2023 to push for equitable global governance reforms. At the WTO, India has opposed initiatives that undermine consensus-based decision-making, such as the Joint Statement Initiatives (JSIs) and the Investment Facilitation for Development Agreement. In advocating for the Global South, India played a pivotal role in the Paris Agreement by securing the principle of “Common but Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities” (CBDR–RC), and continues to push for equity in ongoing negotiations for global environmental and health treaties, including the Plastics Treaty and the Global Pandemic Treaty. Additionally, India has significantly expanded its institutional footprint with the UN, holding positions in 23 different organisations, launching the $100-million India-UN Development Partnership Fund, and supporting initiatives like the International Solar Alliance and The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA).

Persisting challenges India's foreign policy within the UN and WTO faces several significant challenges. Geopolitical tensions, particularly between Russia-China and Western nations, have complicated India’s efforts to reform these multilateral institutions. Additionally, India’s border disputes with China and differing perspectives on issues such as the status of China as a developing country at the WTO further strain multilateral cooperation. The fissured Global South presents another challenge, with notable divergences among member states, like Brazil’s departure from its developing country status and varying positions on environmental issues, such as Plastics Treaty. India’s stance on Plastics Treaty, which contrasts with the views of Small Island Developing States (SIDS), underscores the difficulty in unifying diverse interests within the Global South. Furthermore, India must balance the impacts of fluctuating US commitment to multilateral institutions. The US has previously undermined the WTO’s Appellate Body and reduced funding to UN agencies like UNRWA and UNESCO, creating uncertainty for India as it navigates potential future disruptions in US multilateral engagement.

Climate diplomacy India has emerged as a proactive leader in climate diplomacy, receiving praise from the United Nations for its ambitious climate action and environmental stewardship. India stands out as the only G20 nation currently on track to meet its climate targets, as highlighted by the 2023 Climate Change Performance Index (CCPI). Key initiatives under this leadership include the International Solar Alliance (ISA), launched in 2015 to advance global solar energy deployment; the Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure (CDRI), established in 2019 to strengthen infrastructure resilience against climate-induced disasters; and the Lifestyle for Environment (LiFE) mission, introduced in 2021 to promote sustainable living practices.

India’s climate diplomacy is marked by several significant trends. The country has surpassed its initial renewable energy target of 175 GW by 2022, achieving over 190 GW by 2024, and aims to cut emissions intensity by 45 per cent and generate 50 per cent of its power from non-fossil fuels by 2030. Despite these advancements, India continues to grapple with high emissions due to its reliance on coal, posing challenges in balancing economic growth with a transition to a low-carbon economy. Efforts like the Gati Shakti Yojana focus on enhancing infrastructure while incorporating climate resilience, and projects such as Leadership Group for Industry Transition (LeadIT) 2.0, launched at COP28, support industry transitions and technological innovations.

On the international stage, India plays a crucial role in climate negotiations, advocating for developed nations to honour their commitments on technology transfer and financial support for developing countries. This leadership in shaping climate agreements reflects India’s dedication to foster a global and inclusive response to climate change, positioning it as a key player in driving global environmental progress.

Persisting challenges India’s climate diplomacy faces several significant challenges. First, the global focus on climate governance tends to emphasise mitigation over crucial adaptation and resilience measures, necessitating India to adopt a more decentralised approach that caters to the specific needs of diverse regions and communities, particularly those less developed. Second, outdated principles and power struggles in international climate politics impede effective collective action, compelling India to navigate these complexities while advancing global climate initiatives. Third, there is a pressing need for frameworks that better represent and safeguard the most vulnerable communities affected by climate change. As a leader in climate governance, India must develop inclusive policies that address the varied needs at local, regional, and national levels, aiming to transform global climate politics and promote equitable development.

Global Nuclear Order India’s nuclear policy has navigated a complex global landscape marked by significant developments in nuclear disarmament, the pursuit of nuclear suppliers group (NSG) membership, and the emergence of a tripolar nuclear competition involving the United States, Russia, and China. India has consistently championed universal, non-discriminatory, and verifiable nuclear disarmament, a commitment reinforced by its support for the UN General Assembly’s Resolution 68/32, which declared September 26, beginning from 2014, as the International Day for the Total Elimination of Nuclear Weapons. Despite a government transition in 2014, India has continued to uphold this stance. Concurrently, India has actively sought membership in the NSG, leveraging bilateral engagements and diplomatic efforts led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. However, its accession has been impeded by China’s opposition, driven by its demand for concurrent NSG membership for Pakistan. In the context of a tripolar nuclear contest, India has maintained a policy of strategic restraint amidst China’s rapid nuclear expansion and regional tensions, focusing on preserving strategic stability and advancing global nuclear non-proliferation efforts.

Persisting challenges The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TNPW), which aims to ban nuclear weapons entirely, has been firmly opposed by India. Viewing the TNPW as undermining the established nuclear disarmament framework, India has opted out of the treaty negotiations, advocating instead for universal and verifiable disarmament. The treaty, supported by 160 countries, lacks backing from nuclear-armed states and many North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) members, reflecting a contentious divide in global nuclear policy. Additionally, the US withdrawal from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty in August 2019 has altered nuclear arms control dynamics, prompting the development of new missile systems amid rising geopolitical tensions. Despite efforts by the Biden administration to revive arms control discussions, the broader geopolitical disputes with Russia have hampered progress. Furthermore, India has maintained a strong stance against nuclear weapons use, particularly highlighted during the Russia-Ukraine conflict, where it has condemned nuclear threats and emphasised humanitarian considerations. This position underscores India's commitment to nuclear stability and responsible behavior among nuclear-armed states.

Emerging and Critical Technology

India’s foreign policy in emerging and critical technology has become a pivotal aspect of its international strategy over the past decade. Under the Modi administration, India has strategically focused on forging international partnerships and enhancing its domestic technological prowess to establish itself as a key global player in technology. Central to this effort is the India-US partnership, formalised through the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET) in May 2022, which promotes collaboration on advanced technologies such as artificial intelligence (AI), quantum computing, space technologies, and next-generation telecommunications. This partnership has paved the way for similar agreements with allies like the UK, Japan, Australia, and France, and engagement with the EU through the Trade and Technology Council (TTC), supporting India’s Aatmanirbhar Bharat (self-reliant India) initiative by driving domestic innovation. In addition to bilateral efforts, India has actively participated in tech-focused minilaterals, such as the QUAD and the I2U2 group, to tackle challenges and opportunities in 5G/6G technologies, quantum computing, and green technologies. Furthermore, India is shaping global tech governance by advocating for responsible AI use at forums like the G20 Digital Economy Ministers’ Meet and promoting robust legal frameworks for cyberspace stability. India's Digital Public Infrastructure offers open-source, interoperable solutions to bolster digital economies worldwide, while its support for ‘accountable tech’ practices emphasises local context and responsibility in the tech sector.Top of Form

Persisting challenges The global tech landscape is increasingly polarised between major powers, particularly the US and China, with the former advocating for a multistakeholder approach to cyberspace governance, while the latter promotes a state-centric model. This divide complicates India’s efforts to advance responsible tech use and establish a cohesive global tech governance framework. Additionally, China’s Digital Silk Road (DSR) initiative, which aims to expand its technological influence across developing regions like the Indo-Pacific and Africa, often contrasts with India’s vision of an open and inclusive tech environment. India’s emphasis on accountable tech and data localisation, though aimed at addressing its developmental and societal needs, is sometimes perceived by Western observers as a stance on ‘digital sovereignty,’ clashing with the principle of free data flow. Despite these hurdles, India has made a notable impact on the global tech agenda, championing inclusive digital development and representing the interests of the Global South, while continuing to navigate these complex geopolitical and technological dynamics.

Development cooperation Development diplomacy has experienced a shift in the last decade, with a focus on creating cooperative frameworks for socio-economic upliftment in developing economies. This shift is seen as a way to build diplomatic goodwill and increase outreach in the long run. India, as a relevant development partner, has been recognised globally for its demand-driven, organic, and need-based partnerships, which differ from Chinese and Western models. This approach is suitable for the Global South, which seeks innovative solutions and long-lasting alliances, as it offers a viable ecosystem for long-lasting partnerships.

The ongoing polycrisis has exacerbated the vulnerability of low-income countries, least developed countries (LDCs), and small island developing states. The sustainability challenges for these countries in terms of financing for the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) has increased tremendously, from US$ 2.5 trillion in 2020 to US$ 4.2 trillion in 2023. In this context, India’s support for the Global South was one of the key highlights of its G20 Presidency in 2023.

India has shifted global discourse from traditional security to non-traditional security and development challenges. During its G20 Presidency, India initiated discussions on development, promoting inclusivity and equity. India is leading the conversation on Southern-driven partnerships and offering low-cost development solutions as an alternative to the Western donor-led model.

India is diversifying its development diplomacy portfolio by signing multiple Free Trade Agreements (FTAs), such as the India-Mauritius Comprehensive Economic Cooperation and Partnership Agreement (CECPA) in 2021, the India-UAE Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) and the India-Australia Economic Cooperation and Trade Agreement (CECTA) in 2022. The most recent addition is the Trade and Economic Partnership Agreement (TEPA) between India and the governments of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) states in 2024 and the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) announced during India’s G20 presidency.

Persisting challenges India faces a significant challenge in sustainable finance, but recent trade deals can attract investments and finance from the private sector. In 2022, total net private wealth stood at US$ 454.4 trillion, which is expected to increase by 38 per cent in 2027 to reach US$ 629 trillion. Philanthropy can help steer additional finance for Agenda 2030, with India’s diverse philanthropic circle playing a crucial role.

Geopolitics and geoeconomics are essential components of the current development landscape. India faces challenges in dealing with countries in the Indo-Pacific due to scarce resources and limited access capabilities. New Delhi must formulate a strategy for this region, as several countries are attempting to increase outreach while others in the region figure out how to effectively manage this interest.

The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the importance of connectivity in sustainable development. India should focus on building multidimensional resilience in developing countries by enhancing digital infrastructure, establishing low-cost energy pipelines, building trans-ways and roadways, transferring electricity, and enabling people-to-people contact. This will facilitate resilient and robust societies in the future, effectively managing this interest.

Connectivity India’s economic growth in the past decade has led to a renewed focus on global and regional connectivity, particularly through the ‘Act East’ and ‘Neighbourhood First’ policies. New Delhi’s connectivity strategy focuses on resilient supply chains, economic security, regional integration, and international trade.

India’s strategy for South Asian regional cohesion involves fostering multimodal connectivity links through bilateral economic cooperation. Between 2014 and 2024, India provided financial support to Bangladesh, Bhutan, Myanmar, Maldives, Nepal, and Sri Lanka through grants/loans and 37 line of credits (LoCs) worth US$ 9.57 billion and US$ 14.4 billion, respectively. This aid impacted 150 projects across critical sectors, like power generation, transport and port infrastructure, oil and gas pipelines, and communications infrastructure resulting in India having the largest development portfolio in Bangladesh (US$ 10 billion), Bhutan (US$ 6.3 billion), and Nepal (US$ 1.65 billion). India has also built social infrastructure in its neighbourhood. The Indian government has completed around 1,250 projects worth US$ 225 million under the High Impact Community Development Projects (HICDPs) programme in Bhutan, Bangladesh, Maldives, and Nepal, focusing on agriculture, rural and urban development, health, and education sectors.

Beyond South Asia, India’s global connectivity ambitions include a multimodal East-West Asia corridor through South Asia, including links with Myanmar, Thailand, and Bangladesh, and the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) and International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) in the west. India collaborates with countries like Myanmar, Thailand, and Bangladesh to operationalise these alternative transit corridors. Key initiatives include the IMEC agreement, the India-Iran Chabahar Port long-term operation contract, the Sittwe port in Myanmar, and the India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway. These alternative transit corridors will diversify India’s trade routes and supply chains, such as the Chabahar route, which offers a long-term alternative to the Suez Canal, and corridors with Southeast Asia.

Persisting challenges India faces economic challenges in regional connectivity, with South Asian trade accounting for 5 per cent of the region’s total trade in 2021. Border tariffs and security issues make it cheaper for Indian companies to trade with South American countries like Brazil. The World Bank estimates South Asian trade is at half capacity. Addressing trust deficits, fragile regional security, and lack of effective Free Trade Agreements is crucial for India's regional connectivity infrastructure.

India’s overseas projects face delivery issues, slow implementation, and bureaucratic delays. These issues include land acquisition, working conditions, statutory delays, visa issues, handover delays, inefficient dispute resolution mechanisms, and inadequate fund disbursement. These issues have delayed projects like the Nepal Police Academy project, Nepal-India Integrated Check Posts, Payra renovation project in Bangladesh, Chabahar Port agreement with Iran, and Afghan Salma Dam.

China has invested nearly US$ 150 billion in India’s neighbourhood between 2010 and 2024, with completed projects’ contract turnover in South Asia standing at US$ 200 billion as of 2023. Major investments are in Bangladesh, Pakistan, Myanmar, Nepal, and Sri Lanka in transport, energy, and finance sectors. India’s flanking neighbours—Pakistan (US$ 73.4 billion) and Myanmar (US$ 26.2 billion)—have received the lion’s share of Beijing’s South Asian loans and investments. Chinese state companies manage seven South Asian ports and 10 ports in the greater Indian Ocean region, of which they built 11.

New Delhi must counter Chinese investments in India's neighbouring regions as they are strategic rather than economic and enhance Beijing’s regional influence. India is expected to face both challenges and opportunities in the coming decade. To achieve its connectivity goals, the country must tackle internal bureaucratic and financial issues, regional political trust issues, and external geopolitical challenges.

Way Forward for India’s Foreign Policy in the Coming Years

  • India aims to continue fortifying its robust relationships with major global players such as the United States and the UAE. The success of organising the G20 Summit and the “Voice of Global South Summits” has solidified India’s role in global governance. Expanding influence through partnerships with Japan, Australia, and Southeast Asian nations will be a key focus.
  • India is committed to maintaining its strategic autonomy by balancing relationships with global powers. Despite Western pressure, India will persist in its engagements with Russia and uphold agreements like the long-term Chabahar project with Iran.
  • Bharat First principle prioritises India's national interests across political, security, economic, technological, and cultural domains. It seeks to leverage India’s growing economic strength to enhance its global stature and assert its interests.
  • Emphasising global responsibility, Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam concept highlights India’s role as a Vishwabandhu (world friend) and its commitment to addressing global concerns, particularly those affecting the Global South.
  • India’s ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy will remain central, focusing on maintaining strong relationships with neighbouring countries such as Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, and Sri Lanka, while managing challenges posed by China’s growing assertiveness in the region.
  • India will continue its goodwill gestures towards Maldives despite its recent pivot towards China. Relations with Pakistan will remain challenging, with the policy emphasising a balance between diplomacy and national security concerns.
  • India’s emphasis on the Indo-Pacific and Indian Ocean regions is driven by increasing Chinese presence. Invitations to leaders from Seychelles and Mauritius underline India’s commitment to regional peace and stability.
  • India aims to enhance its influence in the Indo-Pacific through strategic alliances and partnerships, addressing the growing challenge posed by China’s military and economic footprint in the Indian Ocean.
  • Negotiations for Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) with the EU, the UK, and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) will be prioritised. Successful completion of these agreements will reinforce India’s position in the global economic framework.
  • India will focus on initiatives such as the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEEC), the I2U2 grouping, and the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) to enhance economic cooperation and trade.
  • India will continue to address global issues like terrorism, nuclear proliferation, and environmental concerns, advocating for dialogue and diplomacy to resolve conflicts, including crises in Ukraine and Gaza.
  • Emphasis on improving infrastructure, technological advancement, and manufacturing capacity will be crucial for supporting India’s growing economic and geopolitical ambitions.
  • India will actively engage in forums such as the G7, BRICS, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) to influence international policies. Strategic dialogues with countries like Russia and China will be key to navigating complex relationships and advancing India’s global interests.

Conclusion

India’s foreign policy is defined by a strategic balance that aligns national interests with global responsibilities. By strengthening alliances with major powers like the United States and expanding influence through partnerships with Japan, Australia, and Southeast Asia, India has reinforced its role in global governance. The principles of strategic autonomy and “Bharat First” guide its approach, allowing India to navigate complex relationships with global powers, including Russia and Iran.

India’s commitment to global responsibility is evident in its support for the Global South and its proactive role in regional stability, particularly in the Indo-Pacific and Indian Ocean regions. Moving forward, India will need to reinforce its SAGAR vision and Act-East policy, engaging further with like-minded maritime partners to maintain security and stability in the Indo-Pacific. Efforts to address global challenges, such as terrorism and environmental issues, are complemented by active participation in multilateral forums and initiatives to enhance economic cooperation.

In the tech domain, India is shaping global tech governance while advocating for inclusive development, and its engagement with the UN and WTO reflects a dedication to multilateralism. Overall, India’s foreign policy is characterised by a pragmatic and assertive approach, positioning itself as a key player in shaping the future global order.

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